The scene of the whole play is laid in the office of General von Götz in the Government Buildings at Karlstadt, the capital of Keinland.
Scene: General von Götz’ office in the Government Buildings at Karlstadt, the capital of Keinland.
(Enter Bessing, a young orderly, showing in Herr Adler, the Chancellor; he is a distinguished elderly man; small grey beard.)
Bess. The General has just come in, Excellency. He will be here in a moment.
Adl. Very good. Tell him I’m here.
Bess. Yes, Excellency. (He hesitates.) I beg your Excellency’s pardon, but have you come from the Palace.
Adl. Yes. Why?
Bess. Is there any later news of His Majesty?
Adl. The King is very ill indeed.
Bess. Thank you, Excellency. Forgive me for asking.
Adl. The whole nation is feeling the same anxiety.
Bess. Yes, Excellency. I’ll tell the General you are here.
(Exit Bessing. A short pause, during which Adler is evidently anxious. Enter von Götz, the Chief of Police, a tall, massively built man, bristling moustache, folding pince-nez.)
von G. Hope I’ve not kept you waiting, Mr. Chancellor. You’ve just come from the Palace, I suppose.
Adl. Yes.
von G. What’s the latest?
Adl. The King is sinking fast; the doctors say he can’t live three days. I’ve just seen Dr. Hofmann.
von G. Hm. That’s bad. (Offers cigars. Both take them and light up.) How’s the Queen taking it?
Adl. She’s wonderful. Feels it terribly, of course – but perfectly calm. I wonder how much she knows.
von G. About what happens afterwards?
Adl. Yes – we’re all living on the brink of a volcano – and the King’s death is the signal for it to erupt.
von G. It’s for us to see that the eruption ends in smoke.
Adl. But can we? That’s what I want to see you about. I’ve asked von Hammerstein and Lehmann to meet me here. I told them 2.30. It’s just about that now.
von G. Does the Crown Prince know what’s up?
Adl. He evidently realises something’s afoot. How much he knows I’m not sure.
von G. What do you make of him?
Adl. He strikes me as a very sensible young fellow. Whether he has courage and determination remains to be seen.
von G. He’ll need them in the next few days.
(Enter Bessing.)
Bess. Baron von Hammerstein, Dr. Lehmann.
(They enter. Hamm. is a typical military man – white moustache. Lehmann considerably younger than the others; rather precise and reticent. Exit Bessing.)
Adl. I asked you to meet me here to talk over the situation with von Götz. I suppose you’ve heard the news from the Palace?
Hamm. King’s worse.
Adl. Can’t live three days.
Hamm. And then comes the flare up.
(von G. offers cigars. They accept or not according to taste.)
Adl. Our object in coming , General, is to know exactly what steps you are taking to meet the crisis?
von G. Before I answer that, I should be glad to know just how much you know of the facts. I may be able to give you fuller information on several points.
Adl. It’s really Lehmann’s department. You’ve brought the notes you submitted to the Government?
Lehm. Yes. (He takes them from despatch case.) Of course we’ve known for some time that the Nazi party in our own country have been in close touch with the German government. Semi-official agents have been coming and going between the two countries. Though we naturally felt some anxiety about this, there seemed nothing to be done; as you know very well, General, it has been our policy to allow complete freedom of political thought in this country.
von G. A policy with which I heartily disagree. But no matter: go on, Dr. Lehmann.
Lehm. The difficulty was to know how many of our own people, especially in the capital, were infected with Nazi ideas.
von G. I can give you fairly accurate figures. According to my latest information, compiled less than a week ago, the number of men actually enrolled in Nazi organisations here in Karlstadt, is at least 15,000. That does not of course include those who would side with the Nazi party in the event of a revolution – which must be a very considerable proportion of the whole population.
Adl. We hadn’t realised that the numbers were so formidable.
Lehm. About a month ago it came to my knowledge – I think through your intelligence department, General – that arms were being secretly smuggled across the frontier and distributed among the various Nazi centre in the capital and the principal towns in the provinces. But no information was available about the source of the supply or the method of import.
von G. No. That still remains a mystery.
Adl. Of course the possession of arms by political organisations is illegal. But we hesitated to ask you to raid the centres, for fear of putting a match to the fire.
Hamm. And until we could stop the import of the arms, there seemed very little point in commandeering the present supply.
von G. I agree. But you can rest assured that my men know precisely where they are stored and we can lay hands on them at any moment.
Lehm. Then came the astonishing rumour that the Nazis had already elected a Dictator-President, but that his name was being kept dark – and only a very few of the Nazi leaders themselves knew who he was.
von G. That rumour is absolutely true.
Adl. Do you know who the President-Elect is?
von G. No. But there are very strong reasons to suppose that it is someone who at present holds high office under the Crown.
Hamm. So all of us are under suspicion.
von G. You take it as a laughing matter, Baron. But until the Dictator’s name is made public, we must all be regarded as suspects. (A short uncomfortable pause.)
Lehm. It seems certain that no outbreak will occur until after the King’s death.
von G. According to my information the actual rising is to occur at the time of the proclamation of the new King – that means the morning after the present King’s death. The Nazi grey shirts will parade in the Cathedral square, fully armed, will listen to the proclamation in silence and then one of their leaders will formally refuse to accept Prince Otto as King and will declare Keinland a republic under the presidency of –
Hamm. General von Götz.
von G. If you like – or Dr. Lehmann. Now I suppose it’s obvious that if things were allowed to go as far as that, the revolution would have every chance of success. I’ve nearly doubled the police force in the past two months – but no police force on earth could deal with 15,000 armed and disciplined men.
Hamm. That’s the worst of these Nazis. Their discipline is so confoundedly efficient.
von G. It is.
Hamm. Surely the wisest course would be to raid the Nazi centres immediately and seize their arms.
von G. That is for you gentlemen of the Government to decide; I shall have to carry out your instructions. But personally I don’t agree with you, Baron.
Adl. What’s the objection. The King can’t live many days, so there would be no great risk in precipitating the rising.
von G. That’s not quite my point. But by confiscating the arms at this moment, we should only defer the revolution – not crush it. Copies of the Nazi’s orders have come into my possession; they are to report at their various centres at 5 o’clock on the morning after the King’s death; there the arms will be served out in readiness for a general parade one hour before the proclamation ceremony. There will be plenty of time before nightfall and five in the morning for my men to raid every arms depot in Karlstadt. The Nazis will arrive in strength at the appointed time to find their arms gone; the rising will fizzle out and everyone will laugh at them. The best way to crush a revolution is to bring it into ridicule.
Lehm. I entirely agree with your suggestion, General.
Adl. But it would be the same thing if you seized the arms now. And it would give us more time.
von G. Give them more time as well – time to reverse their present orders. We should not make them look foolish or discredit them in the eyes of the rest of the population. As I said, we should delay the crisis, but not avert it. We want to hear every boy in the street singing “When they got there, the cupboards were bare and so the poor Nazis had none.” Make them ashamed to put on their grey shirts and we shall have no further trouble. After all we are bound to have a night between the King’s death and the proclamation.
Adl. Very well, General; we will fall in with your proposal. Do you agree, Baron?
Hamm. Oh certainly.
Adl. Lehmann?
Lehm. Absolutely.
Adl. I suppose you can depend on the police, General? They are not in sympathy with the Nazis?
von G. That’s a good point, Chancellor. Of course I can’t say that none of them sympathise – but I know that none have joined the organisation. And they are accustomed to obeying orders without question.
Adl. You think the police can carry out the raids without assistance? What about calling up the troops, Baron?
von G. It isn’t necessary, Mr. Chancellor.
Hamm. There’s the further difficulty of the German troops on the frontier. You’ve heard, I expect, General, that two German army corps are concentrated just over the border. It looks as if our Nazis were going to have more than moral support from their more powerful neighbours. All our own troops will be needed to repel the invasion.
von G. I shouldn’t take that too seriously, Baron. It’s more likely to be a demonstration of sympathy than anything else.
Hamm. Possibly. But we must be ready; we can’t spare troops to kill our own people, with a foreign army waiting to walk into our country.
von G. The troops are disposed in the way you outlined to us three weeks ago?
Hamm. Yes – and the aeroplanes are ready to be concentrated at the four points I mentioned then:- Dorm, Hafenstein, Kostal and Marienstadt. No one knows that these are to be the concentration points – except us four.
von G. Not even the air officers?
Hamm. No. Orders will be telephoned if necessity arises.
Adl. (Rising.) Well, General, we mustn’t take up more of your valuable time; (All rise.) we have agreed that the Nazi centres shall be raided on the night following the announcement of the King’s death.
Lehm. There is just one difficulty. If he dies during the night, there may not be enough time to seize all the arms before 5 o’clock.
Adl. In that case I will see that the news is not made public before the following morning. That will still give us 24 hours before the proclamation of the new King. Oh, by the way, have you met the new German Minister?
Lehm. I had a few words with him this morning.
Hamm. So had I. I didn’t like him – too much Nazi propaganda about him.
Adl. I had a longish talk with him at the Palace. He had come to enquire after the King’s health. The Queen and Crown Prince were too much occupied with the doctors to receive him, so Her Majesty asked me to welcome him. A curious personality.
von G. In what way curious.
Adl. Well – before I had been talking five minutes with him, he was tactfully pumping me about my attitude towards the Nazis – our own Nazis, I mean. He seemed to assume that I must be in sympathy with them and that my chief ambition in life must be to unite Keinland with Germany. Of course I hedged.
von G. Was that wise, Chancellor? If you had hinted that you were sympathetic, you might have got some valuable information out of him about Germany’s attitude towards the coming revolution. Let me see, his name’s Schimmel, isn’t it?
Adl. Yes. (von G. rings.)
von G. I’ll just find out what we know about his previous record. (Enter Bess.) Bessing, ask Major Wiener to come up, will you?
Bess. Very good, Sir. (Exit Bess.)
Adl. Do you mean to suggest, General, that I ought to have pretended to be a Nazi in order to get information out of the fellow?
von G. Oh, you politicians are so careful of your reputation. In my department we can’t afford to be squeamish.
(Enter Wiener – dark and rather sinister.)
Wien. You wanted me, sir? (He bows to the Ministers.)
von G. Yes, Wiener. I want to refer to our files and see what we know about the new German Minister – Schimmel.
Wien. I can answer that question straight away, sir. Schimmel is the German Nazi agent whom we have hitherto known as Scholtz. He has been under our observation for the past two years, going backwards and forwards between Germany and the Nazi headquarters here in the Kindenstrasse.
von G. Why wasn’t I told this before?
Wien. The report has only this moment come to hand, sir. You will remember that we looked up Schimmel when his appointment was published, but we could not trace his having held any office either here or in Germany. So when he arrived in Karlstadt yesterday, I thought it best to put one of our men to keep an eye on him. He recognised him immediately as our old friend Scholtz – and has just been in to make his report to me.
Adl. You mean he is really a German secret service man?
Wien. Not necessarily that, Mr. Chancellor. But he has undoubtedly been employed by the German government to spread Nazi principles in this country.
Hamm. And possible to encourage a Nazi revolution.
Wien. More than likely, sir.
von G. Thank you, Wiener; you have done very well. I may want to see you again in a few minutes.
Wien. Thank you, sir. (Exit Wiener.)
von G. Now, Mr. Chancellor, with your permission I am going to write a note to the new German Minister, asking him to grant me an interview. I shall suggest very vaguely that I may be able to give him some help; with a little tact, I might get some quite interesting information out of him. (Sits and writes.)
Lehm. Is that quite playing the game, Mr. Chancellor? Whatever he has been in the past, Herr Schimmel is now the accredited representative of the German government.
Adl. And therefore a diplomatist, who ought to be prepared for any kind of argument. Considering the danger that threatens our country, I feel we are entitled to use any means to avert it.
Hamm. I entirely agree. Here’s a fellow who for two years has been secretly stirring up trouble in our country and now arrives on the scene to welcome the new Dictator in the name of the German President. Probably he knows the name of this so-called President-Elect.
von G. (Has finished writing.) That’s what I hope to find out, Baron. How will this do? “Your Excellency; having heard of your arrival in Karlstadt I hasten to write you a line of welcome to Keinland. I am unhappily prevented by a bad chill from paying my respects in person at the German Legation; but if you could spare half an hour of your valuable time to call on me here, I should be glad to discuss with you a matter of supreme importance to your country and to mine. Yours faithfully, Friedrich von Götz, Chief of Police.” I fancy that will fetch him.
Lehm. Mr. Chancellor, I must really protest against this. It is most irregular.
Adl. I must overrule your objection, Lehmann. (von Götz rings.) In times of crisis it is impossible to stand on ceremony.
(Enter Bessing.)
von G. I want to see Major Wiener again.
Bess. Yes, sir. (Exit Bessing.)
(The four wait in silence until Wiener enters.)
von G. Wiener, I want you to take this note across to the German Legation. Ask to see the Minister and hand him this in person; I hope he will suggest coming round here to call on me. If so, conduct him back.
Wien. Very good, sir.
Adl. Well, General, we must take our leave. I hope you will be successful in your interview.
von G. I’ll come down with you, Mr. Chancellor.
Hamm. Be careful not to make your chill worse, General. (Exeunt Adler, Hamm. and von G. Lehm. is going after them but is stopped by Wiener.)
Wien. I’m going to make an attempt this evening.
Lehm. Have you any hope of success?
Wien. There’s quite a reasonable chance. If I put it off, it may be too late.
Lehm. If there’s anything to report, see me in the morning.
Wien. Thank you, I will. (Exeunt Lehm. and Wien.)
(von G. returns and looks off.)
von G. Bessing. (Bess. enters.) Bring me a muffler and my greatcoat.
Bess. You’re going out, General?
von G. No, Bessing. I’ve got a sudden chill. (Bess. exit and returns with coat and scarf.) Feet in mustard and water would give a good impression – but it might be overdoing it a bit. (As Bess. is helping him into his garments.) You know Scholtz, don’t you, Bessing?
Bess. Yes, quite well, General.
von G. Seen him down at the Nazi Headquarters, eh?
Bess. That’s right, General.
von G. Did you know he was in Keinland, now?
Bess. Scholtz? No, General.
von G. No more did I – until ten minutes ago. Scholtz has gone up in the world since you saw him last. When was that?
Bess. About a fortnight ago. He made a speech at Nazi headquarters urging immediate revolution and union with Germany.
von G. Well, he’s back in Karlstadt now – at the German legation.
Bess. What’s he doing there?
von G. He’s the new German Minister – changed his name to Schimmel – he’s here to give official recognition from Berlin to the Nazi dictator of Keinland. (Both laugh.) I’m expecting a call from him at any moment.
Bess. You won’t give away too much, General?
von G. How long have you known me, Bessing?
Bess. Just over three years.
von G. And have you ever known me give away too much?
Bess. No, you’re pretty close, General, when you want to be.
von G. It’s Scholtz – I beg his pardon, Herr Schimmel – who is going to give me information. There are several little things I want to know about the attitude of Germany. I’ve never seen Scholtz. You’re sure you’ll recognise him?
Bess. I’d know him anywhere.
von G. Even if he were disguised?
Bess. I shan’t make any mistake.
von G. It is vital that I should make no mistakes. Major Wiener has reported that the two men are the same, but even he has not seen Scholtz to my knowledge. When he comes in here, offer to bring in coffee if you recognise Schimmel as Scholtz. If he’s not the same man, say nothing.
Bess. I understand, General.
von G. I hear Major Wiener on the stairs – and there’s someone else with him. Now for a real Heil Hitler conversation. This rather amuses me, Bessing.
(Enter Wiener, with Schimmel. He is an elderly man, grey beard: wears spectacles.)
von G. Ah, how good of your excellency to take pity on a poor invalid. I’ve been sneezing all day. It’s this changeable weather.
Schim. I am delighted to make your acquaintance, General.
Bess. Shall I bring up coffee, General?
von G. Would you care for coffee, Excellency?
Schim. No thank you.
von G. A cigar, then?
Schim. Thank you.
von G. You needn’t wait, Bessing. (Sneezes.)
Bess. Thank you, sir. (Exit Bess.)
Wien. If you’ll excuse me, General, I had better get back to my office. Good afternoon, your Excellency.
Schim. Oh, good afternoon. And thank you, Major.
(Wien. bows and exits.)
Now, General, you wrote me this note.
von G. Yes, I’ve been wanting to meet you for a long time, Herr Scholtz.
Schim. I think you are mistaken. My name is Schimmel.
von G. Which your real name is I have no idea. But you were Scholtz at the Keinland Nazi headquarters a fortnight ago. I call your bluff.
Schim. (Laughing.) So my little disguise has been penetrated. No matter. I only thought – and my illustrious President agreed – that I should have a warmer welcome from your present Government if my former activities in Keinland were not realised. As a matter of fact, my real name is Schimmel – so everything is quite regular. Now what did you want with me?
von G. I am in rather a difficult position, Herr Schimmel. (Sneeze.) You are aware that our country is on the brink of a revolution
Schim. That is obvious, even to an outsider.
von G. And even more obvious to one who has been in constant touch with the leaders of the Nazi party in Keinland.
Schim. I freely admit that I have done what I can to bring your country into the great German-speaking State which is the dream of our President. And why? Because I know that it is for the good of Keinland. (Sneeze.)
von G. There are plenty of people in our country who don’t share your opinion.
Schim. And that is why propaganda is so necessary. They don’t understand. Our President is waiting with open arms to welcome Keinland into the Great German Union.
von G. And to govern it himself.
Schim. No, no, General, you don’t understand. You would continue to be a free nation; you would have your own President – your own laws – your own capital. Some central control there would have to be, of course – and what more natural or more right than that this should come from Berlin. (von G. sneezes.) Look at poor Austria! I have seen our President shed tears in public over Austria, yet still she remains outside the Great German State.
von G. The ideal of a mighty German-speaking Union in Central Europe is a very attractive one.
Schim. And not only a German-speaking Union, General, a German Union in which every citizen is a true German, born and bred, without taint of Jewish or foreign blood in his veins. Why, General, when our nation and yours and Austria and German Switzerland are one united Germany, we can control Europe – for all our children will be taught that the Fatherland comes before everything else – that manliness lies in warfare for the Fatherland – and that the German warriors of old are our true heroes whom they must imitate. We shall march together – an invincible army, trampling the peace-loving nations underfoot – ruthlessly advancing through blood and fire to our glorious ideal – a triumphant and all powerful Germany. (von G. sneezes. Schim. continues.) You must forgive me, General; perhaps I have said too much. But your note led me to hope that you were in sympathy with our Nazi ideals.
von G. There lies my difficulty, Herr Schimmel. I hold an important official position in my country. As Chief of Police I can have no politics. But as a man I can hold what opinions I wish.
Schim. Then you are at heart in agreement with us?
von G. Can you doubt it? (They solemnly shake hands. von G. sneezes.) Now you see the awkwardness of my position. I cannot with any honesty continue to hold my present post under this Government. I must resign.
Schim. But why, General? Surely you can do immense service to our movement by retaining your position. If the police are our supporters – or even remain inactive – the revolution is bound to succeed.
von G. Perhaps you are right. My conscience was a little uneasy.
Schim. A German conscience should be influenced by nothing but the good of Germany. (Sneeze.) Now let us get down to the present situation. How much do you know of the plans?
von G. As head of the intelligence department I have naturally learnt a good deal. But there are several points about which I am not clear. First of all, what is the object of the German troops concentrated on the frontier? Are you intending to invade Keinland to ensure the success of the Nazi revolution?
Schim. Not quite that, General. I understand that the intention of the Nazis is to demand the abdication of the new King on the morning after the present King’s death. They will then declare Keinland a republic and publish the name of the mysterious Dictator President, who has already been elected by the ten leaders of your Nazi party.
von G. One moment, Herr Schimmel. I assume that you know who the President is to be?
Schim. Unfortunately no. Your Nazi leaders were prepared to discuss any other details with their good friend Scholtz; but on that point they were peculiarly reticent. But no doubt your intelligence department –
von G. No, I’m afraid I can’t help you there. But the German troops?
Schim. I was just coming to that. Clearly our President can’t order an invasion of Keinland, unless he is invited by your own government to do so. He would have the whole of Europe down on him, if he did so; and unfortunately we are not strong enough to fight all Europe – not at present. But as soon as the New Republic has been established in Keinland and the new President appointed, Germany will recognise the new government; that is why I am here.
von G. I don’t quite follow you. (Sneeze.)
Schim. My predecessor might have hesitated too long. He has therefore been recalled. My instructions are to recognise the new regime immediately the capital is in the hands of the Nazis; and now that we are sure of your assistance in the matter of the police, there seems no doubt of the success of the rising here in Karlstadt itself. But there might be trouble from the rest of the country – and the attitude of your army and air force is very uncertain; if they decide in favour of the new Nazi government, there will be nothing for our troops to do. But supposing your forces were to oppose the revolution and civil war were to break out between the regulars and the Nazis, then the Nazi government could implore the assistance of Germany. Our troops would cross the frontier to attack yours and Germany would appear as the champion of political liberty against militarism.
von G. I see. Very ingenious.
Schim. Of course our Generals know the exact position of your troops – and we also have certain information that your air force at the first sign of trouble is to be concentrated at four bases – Dorm, Kostal, Marienstadt and Hafenstein.
von G. How did you get that information?
Schim. It is known to our government – possibly though our intelligence service, possibly from your Nazi party. But why?
von G. Oh, no matter. (Sneeze.) Please continue.
Schim. I think I have told you everything of importance. (Rises.) But I am glad to be able to count on your support, my dear General. Have I your assurance that the Police will not be employed against the Nazis?
von G. They shall be sent to raid the Communist quarters of the city. That will get them safely out of the way.
Schim. Good.
von G. What is intended with regard to the Royal Family?
Schim. Let me see. Your present King will be dead. The new King will have resigned the throne – and the Queen Mother won’t count. But they would be safer out of the country: let me see, they’re Jews aren’t they?
von G. I was not aware of it.
Schim. Oh, yes. Your present King’s grandmother had a Jewish great-grandfather. That means they are not of pure Aryan descent. The first legislation of your new Nazi government will undoubtedly be laws to banish all Jews from the country. Your ex-Royal Family can go and live in England or on the Riviera.
von G. But if the new King refuses to resign?
Schim. In that case – he will probably meet with an accident. Good morning, General, and thank you for this interview. (Both come to stiff Nazi salute for a moment; von G. sneezes, then exit Schimmel. von G. chuckles, takes off great coat and muffler, and calls off.)
von G. Bessing. (Enter Bessing.) Bessing, I have had a most interesting talk with the new German minister.
Bess. You gave away nothing, General?
von G. Nothing whatever, Bessing. But I have discovered several facts about the attitude of Germany, which will be very useful to me. Send Major Wiener to me.
Bess. Major Wiener, General?
von G. Major Wiener. I am going to employ Major Wiener to keep a close eye on Herr Schimmel.
Bess. That will keep him out of the office a good deal, General.
von G. Yes, he will have his hands full. Tell him I want him.
Bess. Yes, General. (Exit Bess. In a moment enter Wien.)
von G. Ah, Wiener. I want you to keep a very close eye on the new German Minister.
Wien. On Scholtz, sir?
von G. His name is Schimmel. But he is our friend Scholtz all the same.
Wien. Very good, sir. Who shall I detail for the job?
von G. I want you to undertake it yourself.
Wien. Myself, sir? It will be a full-time job.
von G. I know – but a very important one.
Wien. But who will do my work here, sir?
von G. I can arrange that. (Wiener moves towards door.)
Wien. Excuse me, sir, but Schimmel knows me by sight.
von G. So much the better, You have the entree to the legation. See who calls on him – and how he employs his time. Of course, you must observe without in any way interfering with his movements. The situation is a ticklish one – he’s the accredited Minister of a friendly foreign Power. Yet he’s a potential enemy to Keinland. You can report to me here daily.
Wien. Very good, sir. (Exit Wien.)
(von G., left alone, unlocks a drawer and takes out a large register: in this he begins making an entry. Enter Bessing.)
Bess. Her Majesty the Queen.
(von G. hastily relocks register in drawer and rises. Enter Queen. Exit Bess.)
Queen. You must forgive this informal call, General von Götz.
von G. You do me a great honour, Madam. (Places chair. Queen sits.)
Queen. Sit down, General – please don’t let us have any formality.
von G. Thank you, Madam; I prefer to stand.
Queen. You have heard that the King is dying?
von G. Yes. May I offer your Majesty my profound sympathy.
Queen. Thank you, General. But I didn’t come to ask for pity. General, it is because I am a mother as well as a wife that I am here. (von G. bows.) There are rumours of Nazi revolution immediately after the King’s death. I have asked the Chancellor to tell me the truth – but he only tries to spare my feelings. I want to know the facts; you can tell me them.
von G. It is quite true that a revolution has been plotted, Madam.
Queen. Is there any likelihood of its being successful?
von G. We are taking every precaution to prevent it.
Queen. If it does succeed, is my son’s life in danger?
von G. Probably not, if he consents to abdicate and leave the country.
Queen. He couldn’t possibly do that. (Pause.)
von G. In that case he would be in very serious danger.
Queen. But you are confident that the rising can be crushed?
von G. I wouldn’t say as much as that, Madam. The Nazis are very strong in Karlstadt itself – but less so in the country. We are not certain of the loyalty of the army and air force; if they side with the revolutionaries, the outlook is very black.
Queen. Thank you, General; you are the first person who has been honest with me. Thank you. (Rises.)
von G. Forgive my asking you, Madam; have you yet received Herr Schimmel?
Queen. The new German Minister? (von G. bows.) No; I have hardly left the King’s bedside all day.
von G. He is here to encourage the Revolution.
Queen. How do you know this?
von G. I have just had a conversation with him. He is a very dangerous man.
Queen. Thank you for warning me. I must return to the Palace. Goodbye, General, and thank you.
von G. Will you allow me to make a suggestion, Madam?
Queen. I shall be grateful for any help.
von G. I think it would be safer for the Crown Prince not to be in the Palace for at least 24 hours after – after His Majesty’s death – until we have had time to see which way things are going.
Queen. You mean that the Palace may be attacked?
von G. There is just the possibility of it, Madam.
Queen. But he must be in Karlstadt for the proclamation on the following morning.
von G. In Karlstadt, yes – but not necessarily in the Palace.
Queen. Where would you suggest?
von G. If you will not think it presumptuous of me, Madam, His Royal Highness might be my guest here in the Government buildings. No one need know that he is here except a few men whom I can trust implicitly.
Queen. I don’t know what Otto will say –
von G. Try to persuade him, Madam.
Queen. I will ask him to come over and discuss it with you in the morning.
von G. And if – anything should happen during the night?
Queen. If His Majesty dies, you mean?
von G. Yes, Madam. Then will you do your utmost to induce him to come here, before the news is made public?
Queen. I will talk it over with the Crown Prince. Once more, General, goodbye – and thank you a thousand times.
(She holds out her hand. He raises it to his lips. Exit Queen escorted by von G. After a short pause enter Wien. in hat and burberry with despatch case. He looks round him hurriedly, takes miniature sandbag from case, shuts and conceals it. Then he takes up a position commanding the door and waits; as von G. enters, Wiener strikes him with sandbag on back of neck. von G. falls, stunned. Wien. examines him – then swiftly unlocks safe and drawers and takes out papers: puts them into his despatch case. He then goes to other door and calls.)
Wien. Bessing! Bessing! (Enter Bess.)
Bess. Not the General? (Goes down on knees.) What has happened?
Wien. A sudden attack. Stroke, I’m afraid. Help me put him on the sofa. (They do so.)
Bess. How did it happen, Major?
Wien. I hardly know. I had just come in to ask the General for final instructions: as he came into the room he stumbled and collapsed. You’d better send for the doctor.
Bess. I’ve seen the General like this before. I’ll watch him. If he doesn’t regain consciousness in the next hour, I shall ring up Dr. Mans. Don’t trouble to stay, Major: I think he’s coming round already
Wien. I’ll call in the morning to see how he is. Goodnight, Bessing.
Bess. Goodnight, Major.
(Exit Wien.)
General! General! If he doesn’t recover, we’re lost. General! General!